Jul 7, 2021

Tbilisi Pride Celebrated, Attacked

 Tbilisi Pride Festival, Lisi Wonderland, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2021

Violence once again marred yet another attempt by Georgia’s marginalised and embattled LGBTQ community to hold Tbilisi Pride events in the capital. For the first two of three events held 1-5 July 2021, however, it seemed as though things might be different this year. Despite the presence of far-right and ultra-conservative supporters at the first, a screening of a documentary film about the community and its activism, the police performed their duty. Though there were stones and bottles being thrown at those arriving to participate in the event, police kept the protestors away. 

It turned progressively ugly as the night progressed, however, but there were no major incidents. I personally walked there and back and had no problems whatsoever.

Two days later, on the area of the outdoor Lisi Wonderland, the situation was even more encouraging with far fewer attending the homophobic protest opposite the entrance and the police again ensuring the security of those attending the Tbilisi Pride Festival. Though held on the outskirts of the city, which might explain the lack of violence, many of those attending were quite bold in how they dressed and there were no reports any assaults from the tiny number of far-right protestors. Even so, for many of us there were doubts that this would last.

And it didn’t.

Ahead of a 5 July Tbilisi Pride march in central Tbilisi, the Georgian Orthodox Church called on it supporters to assemble to protest the LGBTQ action. Other religious groups also condemned the holding of Tbilisi Pride while government figures made statements that could quite clearly be taken as a green light for violence against the LGBTQ community. For myself and other journalists, we feared a repetition of the 17 May 2013 pogrom-like rampage by 10,000 ultra-nationalist and ultra-conservative orthodox believers against a small group of about 50 LGBT activists.

It was a miracle that nobody died back then, and it was a miracle this year too.* The offices of Tbilisi Pride and the Shame Movement were attacked while dozens of journalists out to cover events that day were directly targeted by far-right supporters, including those from the recently formed Alternative for Georgia. And like 2013 and 2021, these groups were encouraged and led by orthodox priests. Dozens of journalists were beaten while police did little to prevent the violence. Many western commentators and diplomats called into question Georgia’s commitment to its stated aim of EU integration.

 * Update: Sadly, cameraman Lekso Lashkarava died six days later.

As was the case in 2013, however, civil society mobilised in support of Tbilisi Pride, gathering thousands the next day outside parliament to make a stand against the scenes of violence and intolerance that shocked many domestically and internationally. Of come encouragement, and especially in light of a rampaging mob destroying LGBT flags and banners in the attack on the Tbilisi Pride office the previous day, just 40 or so minutes before the For Freedom solidarity event kicked off, a brief downpour of rain saw a rainbow appear in the sky above Tbilisi. Even better, it was a double rainbow.

Tbilisi Pride Solidarity Rally, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2021

As expected, there was another homophobic counter-rally staged opposite but this time the police mostly did their job. And for good reason. Georgia’s international reputation would hardly be salvable had there been more violence. Several thousand came out in support and outnumbered the far-right and ultra-conservative supporters held back by police. They were still aggressive – throwing rocks, bottles, and firecrackers while attempting to break the police line – but overall there had never been such a show of support for Tbilisi Pride as this.

In fact, the general consensus is that the government, clergy, and the far-right lost this week. Despite the violence, three Tbilisi Pride events were held and the domestic and international support for them was unprecedented. It seems there’s no going back now so all eyes will be on next year’s events. Tbilisi Pride 2021 can only embolden the organisers and keep attention on the government’s obligations to meet its international commitments.

That said, and though the police did protect the solidarity rally, they also heavily restricted the movement of journalists. While the aim was no doubt to protect them, especially given the violence of the previous day, having media pushed away by police from areas where they could have better reported from wasn’t an entirely convincing message, especially as the day before journalists were pretty much afforded no protection at all. Every journalist present at the 6 July rally, including myself, felt the same.

Tbilisi Pride Solidarity Rally, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2021

New Narratives Necessary for an Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace

New Narratives Necessary for an Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace

Commonspace, a publication by LINKS Europe, has published my latest on the need for positive and alternative narratives in the Armenia and Azerbaijan conflict. This has been a problem for decades and while any grim reality needs to be reported on that should not be at the expense of genuine real-world positive examples that can at least represent a glimmer of hope for two societies that remain isolated from each other.

Ethnic Incompatibility or Coexistence? Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Georgia

Ethnic Incompatibility or Coexistence? Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Georgia

Despite the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict that has waged for three decades, and despite the ethno-nationalist narrative of alleged ‘ethnic incompatibility,’ the two groups do actually co-inhabit and co-exist in many villages, towns, and cities in Georgia. Ever since first hearing about the ethnic Armenian-Azerbaijani co-inhabited villages from Michael Andersen, a Danish journalist, in 2008 I’ve made a point of visiting them ever since to at least offer one positive example of co-existence between the groups albeit in a third country.