{"id":11082,"date":"2024-05-23T13:01:00","date_gmt":"2024-05-23T13:01:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/?p=11082"},"modified":"2024-06-30T13:05:21","modified_gmt":"2024-06-30T13:05:21","slug":"political-uncertainty-in-armenia-should-not-disrupt-azerbaijan-normalisation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/political-uncertainty-in-armenia-should-not-disrupt-azerbaijan-normalisation\/","title":{"rendered":"Political Uncertainty in Armenia Should Not Disrupt Azerbaijan Normalisation"},"content":{"rendered":"

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When Nikol Pashinyan\u2019s Civil Contract took power in Armenia in 2018 it did so with 70 percent of the vote. By the time snap elections were held in June 2021 that had fallen to 53.95 percent. Later, in Yerevan municipal elections last year, it was just 32.6 percent. Most recently, in December, a survey conducted by the International Republican Institute (IRI) showed that only 20 percent of respondents would vote for Civil Contract if elections were held that weekend. This month, in another by local pollster MPG, that had dropped further to 12.8 percent.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Not to say that the opposition has fared any better. Their ratings combined still roughly match those of the government in both surveys, leaving the vast majority of the electorate stuck in-between, undecided and\/or disillusioned following Armenia\u2019s defeat in the 44-day war and the loss of Karabakh. Taken separately, Robert Kocharyan and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation \u2013 Dashnaktsutyun (ARF-D), united in the Hayastan alliance, stood at just under 4 percent. Even if many have lost faith in Pashinyan, few want to see the return of the old regime.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em>\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

That could change if a new political force led by a charismatic and populist alternative were to emerge. This month, the opposition hoped they have \u00a0such an alternative in Bagrat Galstanyan, Archbishop of the Tavush Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Leading protests against the recent delimitation and demarcation of the Gazakh-Tavush section of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, the cleric managed to rally up to 30,000 people in Yerevan\u2019s Republic Square earlier this month, the largest public gathering since Pashinyan\u2019s own in 2018.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

In this month\u2019s poll, Galstanyan garnered 3.9 percent support, second only to Pashinyan. That might seem low but he has also only just emerged as a revanchist and nationalist rival. Though claiming to be non-partisan, Galstanyan appears to have strong links with Dashnaktsutyun and has also managed to unite otherwise disparate parliamentary and extra-parliamentary political forces around him. In a country such as Armenia where political divisions run deep, that is no mean feat.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

[\u2026] <\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Moving forward, he will have to tangibly demonstrate how the dividends from his peace agenda are bearing fruit in practical terms rather than simply words, cardboard cutouts of maps, and glasses of water spilt in TikTok videos. Though the European Union appears to have offered its own symbolic support, including financial assistance, its main focus remains on removing Russia from the region. Baku could also tone down its own domestic rhetoric and take a more magnanimous approach to resolving whatever sticking points remain in any peace agreement.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

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The full opinion piece can be read online here<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

[\/et_pb_text][dsm_text_divider header=”CONFLICT VOICES e-BOOKS” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][\/dsm_text_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_2,1_2″ use_custom_gutter=”on” gutter_width=”1″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” module_alignment=”center” custom_margin=”|0px||0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][et_pb_column type=”1_2″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][et_pb_image src=”https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/book-1-2.jpg” title_text=”Click to download” url=”https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/conflict_voices_december_2010-1.pdf” url_new_window=”on” align=”center” admin_label=”Image” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” width=”85%” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” text_font=”Oswald|||on|||||” ul_font=”||on|on|||||” ul_font_size=”20px” custom_margin=”|||50px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”]<\/p>\n

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Conflict Voices \u2013 December 2010<\/p>\n

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Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English<\/a> | Russian<\/a><\/p>\n

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[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_2″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][et_pb_image src=”https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/book-new-1.jpg” title_text=”Click to download” url=”https:\/\/onnik-krikorian.com\/new_site\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/Conflict20Voices20May202011.pdf” url_new_window=”on” align=”center” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” width=”85%” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” text_font=”Oswald|||on|||||” ul_font=”||on|on|||||” ul_font_size=”20px” custom_margin=”|||50px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”] <\/p>\n

Conflict Voices \u2013 May 2011<\/p>\n

[\/et_pb_text][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” text_font=”||||||||” text_font_size=”15px” custom_margin=”|||50px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}” theme_builder_area=”et_body_layout”]<\/p>\n

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Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English<\/a> | Russian<\/a><\/p>\n

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[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

When Nikol Pashinyan\u2019s Civil Contract took power in Armenia in 2018 it did so with 70 percent of the vote. By the time snap elections were held in June 2021 that had fallen to 53.95 percent. Later, in Yerevan municipal elections last year, it was just 32.6 percent. 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