Georgia celebrates EU candidate status

Georgia celebrates EU candidate status

Celebrations in Tbilisi on 15 december 2023 © Onnik James Krikorian 2023

On December 14, the European Council granted EU candidate status to Georgia. An important step, celebrated the following day in the capital Tbilisi, both by the authorities and the population. However, the path towards the EU still remains ahead.

Last week, six months shy of marking a decade since signing its Association Agreement with the European Union, Georgia received its long-awaited EU candidate status. The move came after Ukraine and Moldova received their candidate status a year and a half earlier, following an EU decision to fast-track all three countries after the Russian invasion. For most Georgians, this was a dream come true.

Despite the disparity between the decisions concerning the three countries, European Council President Charles Michel described the landmark decision as emotional and powerful. “It will change the face of EU for the coming years and decades [and] it will also will change the reality for the countries in question”, he said in a press conference held after the EU Summit where the decisions were taken last week. Ukraine and Moldova will now enter accession talks.

The full story is here

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New Narratives Necessary for an Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace

New Narratives Necessary for an Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace

Commonspace, a publication by LINKS Europe, has published my latest on the need for positive and alternative narratives in the Armenia and Azerbaijan conflict. This has been a problem for decades and while any grim reality needs to be reported on that should not be at the expense of genuine real-world positive examples that can at least represent a glimmer of hope for two societies that remain isolated from each other.

It remains a distant but vivid memory – visiting Armenia for the first time in 1994 only to immediately depart from Yerevan for Stepanakert by military helicopter. During that visit to Karabakh, after hearing that Azerbaijani Prisoners of War (PoWs) were being held on a secure wing of the old maternity hospital, we decided to check on their condition. But as myself and two other journalists were escorted into the guarded ward by a humanitarian aid worker, we were instead confronted by a somewhat confusing sight – children playing together.

  

But then, the group of children was suddenly separated. Half were instructed to leave the ward while the other half ran off to join their mother. It turned out that those that left were Karabakh Armenians allowed in to play with the Azerbaijani children who were being held captive. The PoWs were mainly bed-ridden in separate rooms. It was a different time back then, of course, when inter-communal memories still existed though other prisoners and hostages experienced far worse and even the unthinkable, but the scene encapsulated some humanity if only for a moment.

 

[…]

 

Fast forward to this summer and a random visit to a restaurant in the majority ethnic Azerbaijani town of Marneuli in Georgia. Azerbaijani could be heard spoken at every table but one. There, two middle-aged women sat with two children aged 9 and 7-years-old speaking Armenian. That shouldn’t come a surprise. The municipality is home to just over 107,000 people – 83.8 percent ethnic Azerbaijani with 8.6 and 7 percent respectively comprising ethnic Georgians and Armenians.

 

[…]

 

Though not diminishing the severity of the Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, nor the importance of the need to heal wounds freshly reopened by the past three years, few outside Georgia get to hear about this reality. In contrast, many unfortunately know that on a visit to Moscow in 2003 then Armenian President Robert Kocharyan spoke of “ethnic incompatibility” between the two groups despite the absurdity of such claims.

 

[…]

 

It won’t be quick, and it won’t be easy, but it will be better if the framing of relations between the two countries is transformed sooner rather than later. Some civil society organisations have attempted to do this in the past but their reach remains negligible, especially among mainstream society. The mainstream mass media will be important here while tangible and visible confidence building measures will be necessary where it matters – on the ground and involving every day folk. Hopefully that can finally occur next year if an agreement is signed.

 

[…]

 

But it should become a new reality even if it isn’t yet.

The full opinion piece can be read online here.

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Armenia and Azerbaijan: Rare declaration rekindles hopes for peace

Armenia and Azerbaijan: Rare declaration rekindles hopes for peace

Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa has published my piece on last week’s unprecedented bilateral statement issued by Armenia and Azerbaijan that saw an agreement on Baku hosting the 29th Session of the Conference of Parties (COP29) and an undertaking to exchange prisoners held by both. 

Despite concerns that even a framework agreement to normalise relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan would not come by the end of this year, an unexpected joint statement issued by Baku and Yerevan late last Thursday, 7 December, has sparked optimism that this could still happen. The two countries fought a devastating 44-day war three years ago, but a peace deal has so far remained elusive.

 

Though joint statements are not new, they had always been issued as part of trilateral talks either facilitated or mediated by Russian President Vladimir Putin or European Council President Charles Michel. This time, however, the statement was issued bilaterally by the Armenian Prime Minister’s Office and the Azerbaijani Presidential Administration with no third-party involved.

 

The development is particularly significant given the impasse in the Michel-facilitated Brussels Process, with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev pulling out of EU-mediated talks in Granada and Brussels in October, and Yerevan rejecting offers of Russian-hosted talks as Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan increasingly turns westwards.

 

[…]

 

Nonetheless, until it becomes known whether Armenia and Azerbaijan will return to bilateral or trilateral talks, the joint statement has at least encouraged those hopeful for an agreement to come soon. For now, that remains unclear. Speaking on Armenian Public TV on Saturday, Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan could only say that a deal could come “by the end of the year… or as soon as possible”. 

  

The same was expected at the end of last year.

The full article is available in English and Italian

 

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Ethnic Incompatibility or Coexistence? Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Georgia

Ethnic Incompatibility or Coexistence? Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Georgia

Ethnic Azerbaijani child, Marneuli Municipality, Kvemo Kartli, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian

Despite the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict that has waged for three decades, and despite the ethno-nationalist narrative of alleged ‘ethnic incompatibility,’ the two groups do actually co-inhabit and co-exist in many villages, towns, and cities in Georgia. Ever since first hearing about the ethnic Armenian-Azerbaijani co-inhabited villages from Michael Andersen, a Danish journalist, in 2008 I’ve made a point of visiting them ever since to at least offer one positive example of co-existence between the groups albeit in a third country.  

That’s something I’ve consistently done since 2009, always taking down journalists from Azerbaijan with me so that they can report on them too, although my last such visit prior to this year was in 2021 to ethnic-Azerbaijani majority Tsopi, a village with an ethnic Armenian minority, and ethnic-Armenian majority Khojorni, a village with an ethnic-Azerbaijani minority. This year, however, my project was expanded by also examining further the situation in Tbilisi and elsewhere, but particularly Sadakhlo as well.

Almost everyone traveling by road between Yerevan and Tbilisi has passed through Sadakhlo, the ethnic Azerbaijan village in Georgia close to the border checkpoint with Bagratashen in Armenia. It once was home to a cross-border market between the two countries and the three peoples even during the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict of the early 1990s but even today is the first population centre that trade and people pass through en route to and from Armenia and Georgia.  Close by are a few of the ethnic Armenian-Azerbaijani co-inhabited villages.

Earlier this year, working with Konul Shahin, a writer and educator from Azerbaijan who had undertaken her own work on ethnic Armenians in Turkiye, we sought out more examples of ethnic Armenian-Azerbaijani co-existence in Tbilisi, Marneuli, Sadakhlo and the villages. The Baku-based Topchubashov were interested enough to support and publish our report.

In July 2023, as one of many trips made until September, the authors of this report traveled by bus to the village of Sadakhlo, an ethnic Azerbaijani village in Georgia close to the country’s border with Armenia. Before interviewing residents there, however, the first order of the day upon disembarking was to grab lunch from one of a few cafes and chaikhanas (teahouses) along the roadside in the center of the village.

 

As we sat down, the woman who approached us to take our order instinctively spoke Azerbaijani, but after some general conversation, she identified herself as an ethnic Armenian from Armenia. Thinking of us as tourists, she also said her husband, a taxi driver and an ethnic Azerbaijani, would be able to drive us around if we planned any sightseeing. We agreed, and while waiting for his arrival and as we finished our lunch, she told us her story.   

 

Meanwhile, on the main road, dozens of cars and trucks with Armenian number plates driving to and from Tbilisi passed by as we spoke. A few kilometers down the road in this almost totally ethnic Azerbaijani part of Georgia, dozens more trucks from Armenia awaited customs clearance that can take days.

You can read the full report here

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What future for the Armenians of Karabakh?

What future for the Armenians of Karabakh?

Few were surprised when just over 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled Karabakh in late September. Their departure followed Baku’s military operation to ostensibly take out the last remnants of local ethnic Armenian forces in the breakaway region. For almost three years since the November 2020 trilateral ceasefire statement, local analysts and political figures in Yerevan said that no-one would remain in Karabakh unless it received some kind of autonomy, independence, or security guarantees.

Baku rejected all three and Karabakh as an unrecognised ethnic Armenian political entity will cease to exist at the very beginning of next year. Even some foreign commentators called for the immediate exodus of the ethnic Armenians, though they could hardly impact the situation on the ground even if they had urged the opposite. The reason for the panicked departure was clear to everyone but it could have been avoided had there been genuine support throughout for the peace process. Without one, this was arguably always going to happen.

  

With the return of the seven surrounding regions to Azerbaijan in November–December 2020, Karabakh could never be sustainable without amicable mutual relations with Baku whatever its status. Though the Lachin Corridor was slated to be kept under the control of the Russian peacekeeping contingent, that would only be for as long as Moscow maintained a presence. Had Russia left in 2025 or even 2030, all utilities and infrastructure such as electricity, gas, and telecommunications, as well as trade and movement, would fall under Baku’s direct control.

 

Lacking a land border with a powerful neighbouring security patron as is the case with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, let alone a coastline and access to the sea as in Northern Cyprus, Karabakh’s fate was inextricably linked to Azerbaijan. Even Karabakh’s airport didn’t function. Yet there was the possibility to prepare the ground for a slow integration to take place over years or likely decades. Russia had foreseen the future as one where the sides were gradually brought together leaving the issue of status for sometime in the future.

 

[…]

 

Coincidentally, a few days ago former Karabakh strongman Samvel Babayan claimed that the last de facto leader of the territory’s ethnic Armenian population, Samvel Shahramanyan, was still negotiating with Baku over the return of the population in absentia. Few believe this and there is certainly so far no evidence to support such claims, but this should at least be pursued despite the seemingly unsurmountable difficulties that it would entail.

 

That is, before it is too late.

The full opinion piece can be read online here.

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Conflict Voices – December 2010

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
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Conflict Voices – May 2011

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
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