European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) starts operations on border with Azerbaijan

European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) starts operations on border with Azerbaijan

Logo of the new Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) unarmed civilian European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) that will be headquartered in Yeghegnadzor, Vayots Dzor region.

The 100-strong European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) today started its two-year mission observing the border with Azerbaijan. The deployment follows the temporary two-month European Union Monitoring Capacity (EUMCAP) that ended its duties on 19 December last year. With this in mind, last week I completed a 1,200-word article on EUMA that includes comments from Armenian and Azerbaijani analysts as well as those involved in the EU’s recruitment process for the mission. 

Unfortunately, however,  it won’t be published until towards the end of this week.

So, by means of a brief update until then, it is important to note that media reports saying EUMA would consist of 100 actual monitors were incorrect from the very start. For several weeks now, sources told me that it was likely that the unarmed civilian mission would instead consist of “not less than the 40 monitors for EUMCAP” while others said possibly as many as 60. Today, in an official statement from the European Council, it is now known that EUMA’s 100 staff will include ‘around 50 monitors.’

This should not come as any surprise given the need for support and administrative personnel.

It is also possible that some of the 50 monitors will also cover for the core team in cases of sick leave, vacation time, and other requirements depending on the situation. Basically, there is still plenty we don’t know about EUMA and in the article I also detailed some of the concerns surrounding EUMA that I touched upon in this blog post here. Ultimately, the EU will likely be continually assessing the effectiveness of the mission and modifying its operations as the deployment takes shape and any pressing issues emerge.

For now though, the deployment of EUMA is to be welcomed if those concerns and other outstanding issues can be addressed and resolved. Certainly, it seems that the EU is aware of them and this flexibility is likely built-in. Of immediate concern, however, is how EUMA is being misrepresented by some media in Armenia. One prominent outlet is already spreading news that the mission could be armed. This is incredibly sensitive and potentially dangerous for EUMA given the need to earn the trust of the adjacent Azerbaijani and Russian militaries.

 Though there will be police and gendarmes, especially from Germany and France, seconded to act as EUMA monitors, they will also not be armed and a transfer of command will see them act solely under the mission. The use of seconded police in unarmed EU CSDP missions is also not new. Hopefully the European Union will issue a statement clarifying this before any damage is done when not even a day has passed since EUMA started its operation.

Anyway, as I mentioned, a comprehensive article will be published in the coming days, but until then, see my blog posts on EUMA here.  

 

 

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Aliyev and Pashinyan meet with Blinken, clash on Munich Security Conference panel

Aliyev and Pashinyan meet with Blinken, clash on Munich Security Conference panel

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan meets with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in a meeting facilitated by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference on 18 February 2023 © Official Photo

Unannounced until the last moment, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken yesterday facilitated and mediated a long overdue meeting between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on the sidelines of the annual Munich Security Conference in Germany. With Blinken were Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Karen Donfried and newly appointed Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations, Louis L. Bono.

Aliyev and Pashinyan had not met since Russian President Vladimir Putin in Sochi convened a trilateral summit in Sochi on 31 October. Attempts to facilitate another by European Council President Charles Michel on 7 December were aborted when Pashinyan reportedly attempted to change the negotiation format by insisting on the presence of French President Emmanuel Macron. Armenia claims that this was agreed upon after the 6 October meeting in Prague though there is so far nothing to support this, including in statements even from Paris.

Little is known about the substance of the meeting with Blinken, but it was a first for the U.S. to organise a meeting of the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders. Previously, the U.S. Secretary of State had only hosted the two foreign ministers, Ararat Mirzoyan and Jeyhun Bayramov, while National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan facilitated a meeting between Armenian Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan and Azerbaijani Presidential Advisor Hikmet Hajiyev on 27 September in Washington D.C..

All six officials – Aliyev, Pashinyan, Bayramov, Mirzoyan, Grigoryan, and Hajiyev – constitute the various negotiation formats led by the West. Their presence at yesterday’s meeting with Blinken therefore arguably highlighted the seriousness of the talks.

“We believe that Armenia and Azerbaijan have a genuinely historic opportunity to secure enduring peace after more than 30 years of conflict,” Blinken said in brief opening remarks covered by the media until talks continued behind closed doors. Prior to the meeting, Yerevan had also confirmed that it had sent its comments on the text of a bilateral peace agreement to Baku for consideration. Aliyev confirmed receipt in comments following the meeting that he also described as “constructive.”

“Three days ago, we received new responses to our proposals from Armenia. We are elaborating them now,” he told reporters. “At first glance, there is progress in Armenia’s position, but it is not sufficient.”

Indeed, the two sides do remain far apart on certain issues and this has only intensified during the standoff on the Lachin Corridor, a topic that was also discussed during the meeting with Blinken. As I’ve highlighted for well over a year now, the need for reciprocity on customs and passport controls on both the Lachin and Zangezur ‘corridors’ arguably remains the most pressing, something that was also alluded to by Aliyev. Basically, in a nutshell, if there are to be checks on the route from Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan there should be similar for Lachin.

I have also stated that it would be good if Armenia and Azerbaijan established checkpoints on the Armenian-Azerbaijan border in a bilateral manner,” Aliyev said. “We made this suggestion earlier and made it official today. Previously, this suggestion was communicated through unofficial channels. Armenia did not voice any position. They probably need some time to discuss it. But our initial impression is that both Europe and America view this proposal of ours as logical.

“[…] if we are talking about border delimitation, it is impossible to achieve without checkpoints. If we are talking about the opening of communications, of course, checkpoints should be established at both ends of the Zangezur corridor and at the border between Lachin district and Armenia. Today, at the meeting held with the participation of Secretary of State Blinken, I officially put forward this as a proposal. We will wait for a response from Armenia.”

What little else is known is only that Blinken appeared largely satisfied with the outcome of the meeting. “Pleased to hear that the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process is on track and negotiations between the two sides are continuing,” the Secretary of State tweeted.

“The course of the works around a peace treaty draft between Armenia and Azerbaijan was discussed at the meeting, as well as the unblocking of regional transport infrastructures and delimitation between the two countries in accordance with the agreement reached in Prague,” read the official Armenian statement. “Prime Minister Pashinyan reiterated Armenia’s commitment to achieve the signing of a peace treaty that would truly guarantee lasting peace and stability in the region.

At the same time, Nikol Pashinyan stressed the fact of the illegal blockade of Lachin corridor by Azerbaijan and the resulting humanitarian, environmental and energy crisis in Nagorno Karabakh. The continuity of the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan was highlighted.”

Unfortunately, and despite the historic nature of hosting the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders alongside Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili, any hopes for a constructive public discussion as part of the Munich Security Conference quickly disappeared. Even though it was the first time that all three shared the same stage, the panel on “Moving Mountains: Building Security in the South Caucasus” soon descended into confrontation in no small part because of the moderator, Chair of the Munich Security Conference Christoph Heusgen.

For many, there were already concerns given the catastrophic nature of the last Aliyev and Pashinyan head-to-head in Munich in March 2020, just months before the devastating war over Karabakh that broke out months later. This was why, although some did decry the initial absence of Pashinyan on the panel, many others were privately relieved to see the panel’s announcement list only Aliyev and Garibashvili as representing the South Caucasus. This, incidentally, had been the case last month at the World Economic Forum in Davos.

“Initially, the participation of the Armenian Prime Minister was not envisaged,” said Aliyev before the panel. “His name was not mentioned in the initial proposal given to me. He probably decided to attend last night. I think this is a good development because, finally, some cooperation among the three South Caucasus countries can be started.”

Aliyev also said discussions with Garibashvili on the creation of a “Tbilisi Format” between the sides might be brought up on the panel. “We are also welcoming that. This issue was discussed during my visit to Georgia. The Armenian side is somewhat hesitant about this. But I think it would be fair,” he said.

This idea was also recently supported by the European Union’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus, Toivo Klaar. But if there had been the opportunity to facilitate and encourage a more amenable discussion on security concerns in the region and ways to resolve them, Huesgen instead seemingly goading the participants into confrontation, including by confronting Garibashvili on the situation of imprisoned former Georgian President, Mikheil Saakashvili. By no stretch of the imagination could this be considered on-topic.

Indeed, there is little point in dwelling more on the panel that could have been a historic opportunity to encourage a truly constructive and regional discussion at the level of the three leaders. Meanwhile, and although European Council President Charles Michel had met with both Aliyev and Pashinyan separately, there was also no trilateral meeting, leaving many still uncertain about the future of the hitherto encouraging Brussels format of negotiations. It can only be hoped that the meeting with Blinken was as constructive as is claimed. 

 

 

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Armenian Foreign Minister Visits Turkiye After Earthquake, Rekindles Hopes for Normalisation

Armenian Foreign Minister Visits Turkiye After Earthquake, Rekindles Hopes for Normalisation

Armenian Foreign Minister A © Ararat Mirzoyan and Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu in Ankara, Wednesday, Feb 15, 2023 © Armenia MFA

The Caspian Post last week published my first piece on what can be hoped are real and genuine efforts to accelerate the latest efforts to normalise relations between Yerevan and Ankara following the recent and devastating earthquake in Turkey. During the last attempt to establish diplomatic relations in the late 2000s I covered that process extensively, including working with the BBC, Al Jazeera English, and The Wall Street Journal on various stories. Looks like I’ll now be doing the same throughout 2023.

The arrival in Ankara of Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan following last week’s devastating Kahramanmaras earthquake was sudden and unexpected. The tragedy on February 6 was the deadliest to hit Turkiye since 1923. At the time of writing, the 7.8-magnitude quake has claimed over 35,000 Turkish lives and an additional 6,000 victims in neighbouring Syria. Naturally, international offers of assistance and messages of condolence have flooded in from all over the world.

 

Including from Armenia.

 

Both Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and President Vahagn Khachaturyan sent their condolences, while humanitarian assistance and a search-and-rescue team were dispatched by Yerevan to assist in the post-disaster relief effort.  

 

“Saddened by the news of the devastating earthquake in Turkiye and Syria that resulted in the loss of so many lives,” Pashinyan tweeted. “Our deepest condolences to the families of the victims […]. Armenia is ready to provide assistance.”

 

[…]

 

Practical steps towards normalizing Armenia-Turkiye relations have been modest up until now. On February 2 last year, commercial flights resumed between Yerevan and Istanbul, while on January 6, 2023, Ankara lifted an effective ban on cargo flights. Eight months ago, Armenia and Turkiye announced that the land border would open for third-country nationals “at the earliest date possible,” but that had not actually happened yet. So, the use of the Margara-Alican border crossing to transport humanitarian assistance this week is at least of some relevance.

 

[…]

 

“The progress to be made in the process of normalization of Armenias relations with Turkiye and Azerbaijan will ensure peace and prosperity in our region,” Cavusoglu said in Ankara. “I specifically want to say from here that if these three countries take sincere steps, we will establish permanent peace in the South Caucasus. Peace in this region is extremely important for economic prosperity.”

The full article can be read on the Caspian Post here. Meanwhile, some, but not all, of my posts on Armenia-Turkey normalisation since the late 2000s can also be found here.

Armenia-Turkey Border opens for Humanitarian Assistance to Earthquake-Hit Adiyaman

Armenia-Turkey Border opens for Humanitarian Assistance to Earthquake-Hit Adiyaman

Armenian Trucks pass over the Armenian-Turkish border (via Twitter)

In what could possibly prove to be a milestone in relations between the Republics of Armenia and Turkey, Yerevan today sent five trucks carrying 100 tons of humanitarian assistance to its neighbour following last week’s devastating earthquake. The aid was destined for the southeastern Turkish city of Adiyaman.

At time of writing, the number of fatalities from the tragedy, which reached a magnitude of 7.8,  has already surpassed 21,000 with over 80,000 injured. A state of emergency in Turkey has been declared.

Crossing from Margara to Alican in Turkey, it was the first time this particular border crossing in Armenia, one of two that have long existed, had been used in over three decades. Some media reported that the last time it had been used was in 1988 when the Turkish Red Crescent sent aid to Armenia following the devastating Spitak earthquake in then Soviet Armenia.

It also follows Yerevan’s decision to send a team of 27 rescue and medical staff earlier in the week and a telephone call between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan held on 7 February. Pashinyan offered condolences to his Turkish counterpart while Erdoğan welcomed Armenia’s support. 

As almost everyone knows, Armenia and Turkey do not have diplomatic relations and the land border has been closed since the early 1990s because of the war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno Karabakh. Passenger flights  between Yerevan and Istanbul, however, have long existed while Ankara gave the green light for Armenia-Turkey cargo flights to be launched last month.

 Though Armenia has offered earthquake aid to Turkey before, including under the leaderships of Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, the opening of the border, even temporarily, this weekend takes on greater significance and symbolism given renewed efforts to normalise relations since the 2020 Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan ended.

It was therefore of no surprise to see Armenian and Turkish government officials tweet news of this development, and not least by the two special envoys from both countries appointed for that task, Rubin Rubinyan and Serdar Kılıç. There were already plans to partially open the border for citizens of third countries in the near future anyway.

Though the severity of the earthquake in Turkey should not overshadow the significance of even temporarily opening the land border with Armenia, the move does nonetheless indicate that a long-awaited normalisation of relations between Yerevan and Ankara could be drawing ever closer. Certainly, the delivery of humanitarian assistance was coordinated by both.

Moreover, the move perhaps also serves the purpose of gauging the reaction of the populations of both countries ahead of further progress towards a full opening of the border and the long-awaited establishment of diplomatic relations between the two. For now, the optics of delivering and receiving humanitarian assistance serves Yerevan and Ankara well.

Although there have been delays in the process that started over a year ago, and not least because of disagreements between Armenia and Azerbaijan in their normalisation process, it can only be hoped that it fare better than the ill-fated Zurich Protocols in 2009. Back then, I did a lot fixing and coordinating for the BBC, Al Jazeera English, and the Wall Street Journal.

Some, but not all, of my posts on Armenia-Turkey normalisation can be found here.

 

Toivo Klaar: Georgia an important bridge between Armenia and Azerbaijan

Toivo Klaar: Georgia an important bridge between Armenia and Azerbaijan

EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus Toivo Klaar meeting with Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili in Tbilisi, May 2022 © Official Photo

In an interview with the Georgian Public Broadcaster, the European Union’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus, Toivo Klaar, has stressed the importance of Tbilisi’s role in bridging the divide between its immediate regional neighbours, Armenia and Azerbaijan. This is highly welcomed and not least because some of us have long argued for the emergence of some kind of “Tbilisi Process” given that it would be both logical and practical.

“It is very important that the three countries of the South Caucasus work together and contribute to peace, and here the role of Georgia as a bridge between Armenia and Azerbaijan is very important,” Interfax Azerbaijan quoted Klaar as saying. Indeed, Tbilisi has already played a role in the pursuit of a long-overdue settlement to the Karabakh conflict. In June 2021, Georgia facilitated the return of 15 Armenian detainees held by Baku, for example.

And on 16 July 2022, Georgian Foreign Minister Ilia Darchiashvili hosted his Armenian and Azerbaijani counterparts, Ararat Mirzoyan and Jeyhun Bayramov, for talks in Tbilisi. The Georgian Prime Minister, Irakli Garibashvili, has also played a role in what has appeared to be at times some first steps towards shuttle diplomacy between the sides and once again offered the Georgian capital as a venue or format during this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos.

Sadly, however, while Klaar’s words are welcome, many EU funded meetings still take place outside the South Caucasus, usually in European capitals and mostly in secret, thus inadvertently or purposely limiting participation to a small and arguably unrepresentative group of the ‘usual suspects’ meeting behind ‘closed doors.’ As a result, civil society activity under such conditions has long been unconstructive, unproductive, and definitely ineffective.

Klaar’s words therefore offer some hope that a Tbilisi Platform could change that – and especially if it can nurture a genuine top-down approach from the governments supported by bottom-up civil society and  grassroots initiatives. Moreover, the often politicised nature of previous Track II meetings would also have to change, especially as efforts should be focused only on cross-border cooperation and genuine people-people contact with peace in mind.

On that, I am always reminded of the late Georgi Vanyan’s attempts to do this in the ethnic Azerbaijani village of Tekali close to Georgia’s borders with Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“In this regard, Georgia is geographically very convenient, you can quickly and easily come here from neighbouring countries. Finally, it is logical that three countries located in the same space, in the South Caucasus, should try to find areas of cooperation. For example, in transport, energy, environmental protection and others. I see great potential both now and in the future,” Klaar said.

Of course, Tbilisi has long been a venue for cross-border Track II meetings prior to the COVID 19 pandemic, but it has been slow in resuming such meetings or making them more inclusive. Further, it is vital that it now becomes a venue for Armenian and Azerbaijani officials to meet, with or without their Georgian counterparts. Klaar also noted that the Georgian capital “could still be used for meetings of the highest level in different formats.”

Indeed, and though a little premature for now, but as some have also speculated, Tbilisi would arguably make for an appropriate, relevant, and symbolic venue for the signing of any Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal when one is on the table. All going well, it can only be hoped that 2023 will prove to be the year that it finally is.

Agenda.ge also carries a report in English on Klaar’s interview.

Georgi Vanyan RIP.

 

CONFLICT VOICES e-BOOKS

 

Conflict Voices – December 2010

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
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Conflict Voices – May 2011

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
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