Free Thought Azerbaijani Tea House, Tbilisi, Georgia

Free Thought Azerbaijani Tea House, Tbilisi, Georgia

 Free Thought Tea House, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

The BBC’s Azerbaijan Service has just published my video report on the Free Thought Tea House in Tbilisi, Georgia. The piece is in Azerbaijani, but below is a brief description in English. I’ve covered Tbilisi’s tea houses serving as a meeting space for the whole region, before but this new venture takes things to whole other level.

Situated on a side street adjacent to the Heydar Aliyev Park in Tbilisi’s central historical district, the Free Thought Tea House is a new initiative intended to bring everyone, regardless of ethnicity, together. The brainchild of Elvin Bunturk, a 27-year-old ethnic Azerbaijani  citizen of Georgia, the Free Thought Tea House is loosely modelled after its namesake in Baku, the Free Thought University, which had its doors sealed in April last year.

 

Although the tea house is a commercial endeavour, it also serves a more important altruistic purpose. Education and the exchange of ideas is key to encouraging the improvement of the situation in all three countries making up the region, Bunturk believes, and the tea house is intended to promote such goals. Formerly a Persian Tea House until he took over the venture earlier this year, Bunturk says he has great plans.

 

This week he opened a small restaurant above the tea house serving Azerbaijani national cuisine while books by authors such as Seymur Baycan grace the tables for patrons to read or borrow. Armenian and Azerbaijani journalists have also come to use the venue to hold social and work-related conversations on cross-border media projects. Georgian writers introduce the country’s literature to ethnic Azeri youth through events advertised on Facebook.

 

But Bunturk is most at home discussing the need for improving access to education for children in Georgia’s ethnic Azerbaijani-populated regions. Later, he says, he will expand that to reach all minorities in order to aid their further integration into mainstream Georgian society.

Free Thought Tea House, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

Developing an Effective Counter-Narrative Framework for Countering Violent Extremism

Developing an Effective Counter-Narrative Framework for Countering Violent Extremism

 

After being contacted by the US Government’s Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) and the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum (GCTF) to present on my work using social media to cross divides in conflict zones at an intergovernmental seminar recently in Abu Dhabi, it was a pleasure to return to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in June, this time to take part in a small expert working group convened by the International Center for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT-The Hague) and the Hedayah Center to discuss elaborating and implementing effective frameworks for countering violent extremist narratives. 

Though the initial focus was to be on Al-Qaeda, the dramatic emergence of ISIS as well as far-right and neo-Nazi groups was also a focus. Among those attending were senior officials from the OSCE, the FBI’s Counterterrorism Bureau, US Homeland Security, and representatives of civil society and the media, such as myself. I also led a session on the media and alternative and counter-narratives. It was especially encouraging to discover that my work on the same in the context of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict was known to many. Sadly, however, no other NGOs engaged in Track II activities in that area has understood the task at hand.

Anyway, the meeting was very productive and the meeting notes have now been published. Three months later, and ironically because it was my work on Nagorno Karabakh that attracted the attention of various governmental and intergovernmental agencies, I am convinced that such frameworks are also necessary in traditional conflict resolution settings too. Needless to say, the parallels and many overlaps in ultranationalist and violent extremist narratives are uncanny and actually unsettling at times. Both spheres can and should learn from each other.

The introduction to the meeting notes is reproduced below, as is the link to the full report.

On 18 and 19 June, ICCT and Hedayah convened a roundtable expert meeting to examine the components for a counter-narrative framework that could effectively refute the narratives communicated by violent extremist actors such as al Qaeda. The workshop gathered 25 of the leading experts from around the world at the Hedayah Centre in Abu Dhabi and used the recently-published Research Paper by ICCT Research Fellow Dr. Alex P. Schmid as a starting point for discussions.

 

The meeting identified various challenges encountered by existing governmental and non-governmental counter-narrative initiatives. Participants discussed various elements relevant in the context of counter-narratives such as the type of narrative, the target audience, the messenger, the substance of the message and the medium used to deliver the most effective counter-narrative. Specifically, the experts analysed these different elements to identify best practices and recommendations for effective counter-narrative strategies. For example, clearly defining the goal of a counter-narrative for all actors involved in advance of any communicative action is pivotal in ensuring effectiveness. To do so, actors must have a profound understanding of the target audience and a good perception of the multi-layered messaging and narrative of violent actors. Here, knowledge and information sharing with other actors such as those in development-related sectors is crucial. However, past experience has shown that the involvement of certain other actors such as former violent extremists, victims and religious voices in counter-narrative activities can carry great risks to the effectiveness of the counter-narrative and the persons involved, and should therefore be carefully evaluated. The role of governments was also examined and there was consensus that governmental bodies are a more relevant and credible actor than sometimes assumed; therefore governments need to communicate strategically and consider that absence of communication also sends a message.

 

During the final session, using examples of current and potential future projects that may close the knowledge gap and assist in the development of counter-narratives, a list of promising projects that could be considered by governments and other donors was developed.

 

Read the full meeting report including recommendations.

 You can also download the PDF from my website here.

Yezidis In Tbilisi Demonstrate Against ISIS

Yezidis In Tbilisi Demonstrate Against ISIS

#SaveYezidis demonstration, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

Now I’ve finished some outstanding work I can finally post some of the material I’ve shot over the past a month and a half. First up, Yezidis in Georgia protesting the latest onslaught and wave of atrocities in Iraq by the Islamic State in two separate demonstrations held in Tbilisi in the first and second week of August.

Democracy and Freedom Watch covered the second demonstration held outside the former parliament building on the city’s central Rustaveli Avenue.

’Stop ISIS’ was the slogan of a rally organized by the Yazidi community in Tbilisi as a show of solidarity with their besieged countrymen in Iraq, who suffer from ruthless savagery by the terrorists from Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

 

There is an almost 20,000 strong Yazidi community in Georgia, 90 percent of them have lived in Tbilisi during the last two centuries.

[…]

 

“We must show Georgia and the international community the brutality against Yezidis in Iraq. The world is in danger,” organizers of the rally say.

 

Another solidarity rally was held by the Yezidi community on August 6 outside the UN office in Tbilisi, and was joined by youth organizations and representatives of different religious groups.

 

Yazidis are a Kurdish speaking people whose belief is different from the belief of other Kurds. They are followers of a pre-Islamic religion related to the old Persian Zoroastrism and Mithraism – sun worship

#SaveYezidis demonstration, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

Crisis Net: Ushahidi Goes Social

Crisis Net: Ushahidi Goes Social

“Wouldn’t it be great if we had an algorithm that was smart enough to read the world news and anticipate conflict before it happens,” says Jonathan Morgan, Co-Founder and Technical Director for Crisis.Net, a new Application Program Interface (API) developed by Ushahidi. “But that’s not just a limitation of technology,” he explains. 

“There are just too many variables and it’s important to have deep domain expertise of the area, the groups and ethnicities engaged in conflict, and even the topology of the region,” he says. “There’s a massive amount of knowledge that’s required to truly understand how a conflict is unfolding that’s quite specific to a particular region.”

But times have changed since Ushahidi first launched its crisis mapping platform in the violent aftermath of the 2007 elections in Kenya. With the use of social media now widespread, so too has the way in which many media, international organisations, and local NGOs now work. Ushahidi has had to go social.

But consuming already existing data can prove quite a hurdle for many journalists and analysts without additional sources added into the mix. Even if experienced in doing so, they often have to relearn and adapt the same process when they move to a crisis or conflict in another region. And those not used to retrieving and using data have an even steeper learning curve.  

“That’s the real barrier to acting quickly when conflicts or other emergency situations arise,” Morgan concludes. “Some data will already exist while other data is generated in real-time from streaming information sources such as social media, sensors, or even quasi-real-time data that comes out of traditional media, RSS feeds, and stuff like that.”

And that’s where Crisis.Net comes in with its ability to deliver data pulled from a variety of sources in Javascript Object Notation (JSON) or Comma-Separated Values (CSV) formats. The API should make it possible for media organisations and developers alike to build their own applications without the need to spend days locating, identifying, and processing data.

“What we found with Ushahidi was that we had to rely on information directly submitted by users interested in a particular crisis, disaster, or a conflict, but that when we wanted to do any  analysis on data on a particular conflict, in the humanitarian space at least, it was tucked away in tiny corners scattered all over the Internet,” says Morgan.

“There might be a non-profit doing some work in a particular region or there’s collected data stashed in reports sitting on a server somewhere,” he explains. “Or maybe there’s a list of reports in a spreadsheet on Google Drive or a hashtag that we want to follow for information relevant to a crisis, but there’s no good way to collect all of this disparate data in a single place.”

To demonstrate the potential of Crisis.Net, the Facebook pages of Palestinian supporters were sourced to visualise recent attacks on Gaza. Tweets have also been analysed to assess attitudes to the Israeli Defence Force (IDF). Crisis.Net has also created a timeline charting the Islamic State (of Iraq and the Levant) in Northern Iraq based on YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook conversations. 

Partnering with AlchemyAPI, facial recognition technology was used to filter content of IS members from Twitter. But, as its name suggests, Crisis.Net not just about conflict.

“The World Policy Journal is also building on a map based on data we retrieved for them about the spread of Ebola in West Africa,” says Morgan, “and we’ve also been in discussion with the African Union and some other international NGOs about combining different data for early warning systems that’s more humanitarian focused.”

As with Ushahidi itself, verification is vital, but that is left up to end users. It’s also why Morgan worked with Eliot Higgins, better known online as Brown Moses. Working on the conflict in Syria by monitoring social media sites, Higgins had already managed to put together collect and collate precise information about militant groups in the conflict.

Working with the 1,700 Facebook pages and YouTube channels Higgins monitors and piping them into Crisis.Net, Morgan was able to demonstrate that maps of the conflict derived from information on social media could be as accurate if not as detailed as those produced by the BBC using data manually collected by humanitarian organisations working in the region.

“We’re not trying to be the arbiters of truth or what conflict or crisis data is,” he explains. “There might be interest in highly subjective content from a particular community in order to examine exactly that kind of polarisation. We also try to attach enough metadata so that users can determine whether or not a piece of information is valid for the sort of analysis they want.”

“What’s the right level of abstraction?” he muses. “At Ushahidi in general we work hard to make platforms that make just enough choices to make sure that we’re building tools that are useful for as broad an audience as possible, but without making so many choices that we’re limiting the possibilities of the platform as well.”

Language is another problem.

“Machine translation is not useful for understanding what somebody is trying to say,” he says, “but enough of marker keywords are consistently translated. Things like ‘killing’ or ‘barrel bombs,’ an important one in Syria, are pretty reliably translated and enough to give our algorithms what they need in order to categorise content and understand the names of places or people.”

It also depends on the situation in terms of social media use itself. Nigeria, for example, is a ‘black hole,’ according to Morgan while there’s an abundance of sources in the Middle East.   

One issue still being determined, however, is the interface and whether it should be made drag and drop so that users don’t need any technical expertise to interact with raw data. Crisis.Net is also slated to be incorporated into the third major release of Ushahidi in order to allow its own visualisations to be populated by data derived from the API.

Morgan is also advocating for international organisations to become  more open in their data policies. For now, much of it is locked away and only some data is released publicly. This is a valuable resource in its own right, he explains, but especially when reliable information from social media is absent or completely lacking.

“I’m always surprised by the stories a dataset, or a different combination of datasets, can tell and I don’t think there’s an appreciation of that in those large organisations about the potential power for change,” notes Morgan. “They really have a valuable resource, but they’re just not very receptive to the idea that it can be shared publicly in a way that’s safe.”

Ushahidi hopes that Crisis.Net will encourage others to build their own applications with its API. “The long-term goal of the platform is to make data so accessible that those with beginner to intermediate technical expertise can build their own applications to benefit their communities instead of, say, another app to share photos with friends,” he says.

“I think that people are really attracted to that idea, but have no place to start. There’s just no way for them to do so without having a lot of knowledge about where all that information can come from. I hope we can move people to a higher level of social engagement if we can make the repetitive process of finding and combining information sources easier.”

 

CONFLICT VOICES e-BOOKS

 

Conflict Voices – December 2010

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English | Russian

 

Conflict Voices – May 2011

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English | Russian

Zemo Alvani and Pankisi

Zemo Alvani and Pankisi

 Bela Mutoshvili, Pankisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

Last Friday wasn’t just my birthday, but also the day I ventured out into the regions of Georgia with the Sayat Nova Project, a Kickstarter-funded initiative to record the minority musical dialects of the Caucasus. I’ve already posted quite a few entries on the project as it documented ethnic Armenian, Azeri, and Avar traditional music last year.

This time saw them pay return visits to Tsova-Tush musicians.

The Tush divide themselves into two groups, the Chagma-Tush, who speak the local Georgian dialect and Tsova-Tush, also known as Bats or Batsbi, who speak the Bats language, a Nakh language (cousin of Chechen and Ingush). Most Bats also speak Georgian, to which there is a continuing trend of linguistic assimilation. Despite differences in language and culture (to a degree), both Chagma- and Tsova-Tush consider themselves to be part of the larger group of Tush, which in turn is considered a subgroup of Georgians.

Meri Jikhoshvili, Zemo Alvani, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

 Abo Baskhajauri, Zemo Alvani, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

Kists and Chechens were another focus.

The Kist people’s origins can be traced back to their ancestral land in lower Chechnya. In the 1830s and 1870s they have migrated to the eastern Georgian Pankisi Gorge and some adjoining lands of the provinces of Tusheti and Kakheti. Named “Kists” (ქისტები) in Georgian, they are closely related culturally, linguistically and ethnically to other Nakh-speaking peoples such as Ingushs and Chechens, but their customs and traditions share many similarities also with the eastern Georgian mountaineers.

Visiting Pankisi was particularly interesting and not least because last week the BBC ran an interview with Teimuraz Batirashvili, the father of Omar al-Shishani, one of the main commanders in the Islamic State (of Iraq and al-Sham). Born Tarkhan Batirashvili, the militant fighter hails from Georgia’s Pankisi Gorge, itself already trying to overcome its reputation as a haven for Chechen insurgents.

Pankisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014

As diverse as Georgia is, especially when compared to Azerbaijan and particularly Armenia, minority culture nonetheless remains unsupported and under threat. That’s what’s made the work of the Sayat Nova Project so important. Al Jazeera America also ran a story on the Kists in Pankisi last month.

The residents of Pankisi have historically been Kists, ethnic Chechens who migrated to the region in the 18th and 19th centuries. In the aftermath of the 1999 Second Chechen War, however, an influx of Chechen refugees — estimates put their number at 7,000 — temporarily doubled the region’s population. Today, between two and three hundred refugee families remain.

 

Most Kist Muslims identify as Sufis, practitioners of a mystic brand of Islam. Of these, most consider themselves to be Hadjiists, followers of the 19th-century Chechen Sufi mystic and pacifist Kunta Hadji-Kushiev, who preached a doctrine of brotherly love and nonviolent resistance. Their religious rituals center around the Hadjiist version of the zikr. Literally translated as “remembering,” the zikr is an ecstatic communal recital of the names of God that takes the form of song, dance and, here in Pankisi, the call for “marshua kavkaz”: peace in the Caucasus.

And peaceful it was. We were particularly lucky to be hosted by two of the members of the region’s Pankisi Ensemble, a Kist musical group I was lucky enough to see perform at TEDx Tbilisi in 2012. Interestingly, Bela Mutoshvili — the matriarch of the household — is Tsova Tush and married into the Kist community. She was also the main focus of the Sayat Nova Project’s visit.

Unfortunately, because of the poor economic situation in Pankisi, Bella will likely move to Chechnya to find work. Given the problems facing Kist culture — Wahabists, for example, are reportedly trying to prevent music from being taught in the schools — such a reality is unfortunate. It is precisely majority and minority culture in Georgia that is one of the country’s main strengths.

I’ll be writing something on the Sayat Nova Project again soon. Until then, my article from last year for Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso is here.

 Bela Mutoshvili, Pankisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2014