At the beginning of July, Armenian National Security Secretary Armen Grigoryan announced that talks with the United States to replace Armenia’s aging Metsamor nuclear power plant were now at a “substantive phase.” The first of two reactors at the power plant started operating in 1976, and the plant has largely met Armenia’s energy needs since. Metsamor produces 30–40 percent of Armenia’s electricity, depending on fluctuations in demand.
CATEGORY RESULTS
Constitutional Delay in Armenia Threatens to Derail Peace Talks With Azerbaijan
In June, Baku reiterated its demand that any peace agreement must explicitly address changes in the Armenian Constitution, including the removal of what Azerbaijan and Türkiye perceive as territorial claims against them.
Tensions Increase as Prime Minister and Church Leaders Clash in Armenia
Yerevan is entering its second month of protests against the border and delimitation process launched between Armenia and Azerbaijan in April. Relations between the Armenian Apostolic Church and the government have plummeted and may be irreconcilable.
Clergy-Led Demonstrations Raise Concerns Over Separation of Church and State in Armenia
On May 9, thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan’s Republic Square to protest the return of four villages de jure part of Azerbaijan but de facto under the control of Armenia since the early 1990s. According to the Union of Informed Citizens, the crowd contained around 31,700 people. It was the largest protest in Armenia since Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan rose to power in 2018.
Pashinyan Emphasizes Potential in Normalizing Relations With Türkiye
As peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to be making some progress, the normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations have begun to gain more traction. In April, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan described any breakthrough as “epoch-making” for the region. Toivo Klaar, EU special representative for the South Caucasus and Crisis in Georgia, told media he hoped talks would continue in the near future.
Armenian Government Faces Domestic Pressure Over Handling of Border Dispute
On November 9, 2020, the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia signed a trilateral ceasefire statement ending the Second Karabakh War. An initial draft of the agreement was mistakenly uploaded to the Kremlin’s website. According to the draft, in addition to the return of the remainder of territory under Yerevan’s control immediately surrounding Karabakh, four villages in the Gazakh region of Azerbaijan were mentioned.
European Mission in Armenia Completes Its First Year Amid Regional Tensions
On February 20, the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) marked the first anniversary of its deployment on the Armenian border with Azerbaijan. According to the European Union, its purpose is to aid in the normalization process between Yerevan and Baku and enhance stability in the South Caucasus. Last year, the EUMA was deployed following the end of a shorter-term European Union Monitoring Capacity (EUMCAP), which was deployed in October 2022.
Pashinyan Reignites Constitutional Reform Debate Amid Declining Ratings
On January 18, six years after the street protests that brought him to power in 2018, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan raised the issue of reforming the country’s constitution during a meeting with the Armenian Ministry of Justice. The constitution was originally introduced under Levon Ter-Petrosyan in 1995 and controversially amended under his successors, Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan.
Baku, Yerevan, and Moscow Clash Over Regional Transit
In my first piece for The Jamestown Foundation, I again look at the continuing geopolitical impasse on attempts to restore economic and transport links in the region following the 2020 Armenia-Azerbaijan war as per the trilateral ceasefire statement that ended it. This is a topic that I’ve covered consistently since the beginning of 2021 but it has particularly come to a head now as hopes for a framework agreement between Baku and Yerevan persist.