Image Copyright and Watermarking

Image Copyright and Watermarking

Opposition Pre-Election Campaign Rally, Yerevan, Armenia
© Onnik James Krikorian 2007

The photograph above was taken at an opposition rally in Yerevan, Armenia, in October 2007. By January 2008, ahead of the February Presidential Election, the opposition had used it as one of the main images for their campaign website. Contacting them, they did at least agree to pay me $100 for use of the image online, but what they didn’t tell me was that they’d also use it as the main image for posters, banners, badges, and sticker labels.

Opposition Post-election Demonstration, Yerevan, Armenia
© Onnik James Krikorian 2008

That wasn’t as bad a situation as copyright infringement can be, but it did highlight the danger of posting images free from any kind of watermark at all. However, even posting watermarks in the top right or left and bottom right or left corners, depending on composition, doesn’t prevent abuse. For this year’s presidential election in Armenia, for example, CivilNet.am instead used one of my images of a candidate with the watermarks cropped off.

As usual, because I understand the limitations of the local media and especially when it comes to high quality photographs, I contacted them and requested that a credit accompany the picture. Instead, but at least better than other publications such as A1 Plus who simply ignore such requests, they replaced it as if crediting anyone other than someone at their site is an embarrassment for them. I didn’t receive a response to my email nor an apology.

This is why I have to watermark my images with a large copyright now. With such violations rampant in pretty much every sphere of work in the South Caucasus it was probably inevitable and my experience to date is such that I certainly can’t allow it to happen again.

It’s plagued my work in the region since I started, but especially since much of the region’s media went online. Without professional photographers working for them, they say, they had no choice but to use other people’s images. In reality, however, that argument and justification was bogus. Despite licensing my images under Creative Commons as long as a credit is given, the situation continued.

Their argument that time was that they found the photographs using a Google Image Search, but did not know who the photographer was so could not credit them. That argument was bogus too. Google Image Search highlights the original source of the image. Telling that to publications such as A1 Plus in Armenia, however, results in nothing. Instead, they allege that the image’s ownership is unclear.

And that despite my possessing the full high-resolution RAW and JPEG files. Anyway, fast forward to last week when the Azerbaijani publication 1news.az published all the photographs from my Lachin gallery. They didn’t ask permission although quite unlike others they did at least credit the work to me. They didn’t, however, link to the original work or my articles listed.

So, I’m afraid, enough is enough, and I’ve had to watermark my images.

Moreover, despite a recent conversation with photographers in Georgia who say that there is some respect for copyright among publications, the problem still exists there with some taking my images too. One expat worker, ironically working on ‘media strengthening’ projects, not only refused to credit me for my photograph of the Georgian President below, but also acted as though the law didn’t apply to them.

But it does. Copyright infringement of photography is a violation of national and international copyright law. It is also frustrating the development of professional photojournalism in the region. And money is not an issue. There is Creative Commons, which I’ve used in the past, to allow certain use if a credit is given. However, most publications and bloggers don’t.

And not only is that illegal, but it’s also unethical and displays a total disregard for, and disrespect to, the work of photographers and photojournalists in the region. Indeed, even attempts to localize and introduce Creative Commons in the region failed and nobody has heard of it since. Quite simply, the situation with copyright infringement and image theft in the region is a disgrace.

Alas, the South Caucasus is not unique in this regard.

Mikheil Saakashvili, August War Press Conference, Tbilisi, Georgia
© Onnik James Krikorian 2008

Orthodox Church Goes On The Rampage in Georgia

Orthodox Church Goes On The Rampage in Georgia

Orthodox homophobic rally, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2013

New Internationalist magazine has published my short piece on the 17th May priest-led homophobic rampage in Tbilisi in its July edition in which I ask, why were nettle-wielding women and stool-throwing priests allowed to attack LGTBI activists? For those of you that don’t subscribe to the physical magazine, it’s also available online.

Recent events in Georgian capital Tbilisi are alarming many who hoped progressive views might win out over more intolerant, traditional values.

 

The clash of ideals was starkly evident at an event to mark the International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO), which was disrupted by up to 20,000 counter-demonstrators in May.

 

[…]

 

The confrontation descended into violence when the 50 LGBT activists at the IDAHO event were forced to flee after the Orthodox crowd broke through barriers, meeting little or no police resistance.

 

In a scene akin to a medieval witch-hunt, elderly women holding stinging nettles sought to thrash homosexuals, and priests wielded wooden stools to beat and smash anyone or anything they could find.

 

Two priests were among just a handful of people arrested. But human rights groups and local civil society organizations are concerned that the government is unable, or unwilling, to rein in Church power.

 

In the two decades since the country declared independence, the power and influence of the Georgian Orthodox Church appears to have increased.

 

Some activists are saying that Georgia risks resembling little more than a theocracy, while LGBT groups are already reporting a spike in the number of cases of harassment and assault.

The full article is available here.

Orthodox homophobic rally, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2013

Elva: Crowdsourcing Conflict in the South Caucasus

Elva: Crowdsourcing Conflict in the South Caucasus

Jonne Catshoek © Onnik James Krikorian 2013

When a relative from Gori visiting family members went missing in Dvani, a village located close to the Administrative Boundary Line (ABL) separating Georgia proper from the disputed breakaway region of South Ossetia, residents were naturally concerned. Unfamiliar with the area, the man inadvertently ventured over the ABL after wandering off to buy cigarettes one morning and was detained by Russian border guards.

Such incidents are not uncommon in the South Caucasus, riven as it is by three frozen conflicts over the disputed territories of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno Karabakh, but thanks to a new crowd sourcing system developed in Georgia, such occurances can now be more quickly reported. In this case, the man was released three days later.

At first glance, the platform, called Elva, which means “lightning” or “express message” in Georgian, might seem similar to others such as the ubiquitous Kenyan-developed Ushahidi, already used in the South Caucasus for a variety of purposes such as monitoring elections, but its creator, 28-year-old Jonne Catshoek from the Netherlands, says it also differs in other notable areas.

“First of all,” he says, “we’re not monitoring short-term crisises which is something Ushahidi is incredibly good at.” Instead, explains Catshoek, Elva is more focused on long-term needs and in particular how to measure the effect of policy on communities.

“It’s a participatory governance platform for civil monitoring,” he says. “In a nutshell, the idea is that many communities in Georgia, as well as other countries around the world, remain fairly excluded from the decision making process. We’ve developed our own special SMS format for surveys which allows us to get very detailed data from even just one SMS, but we’re also very much focused on two-way communication.” 

Mobile phones and SMS

While Internet penetration is increasing in the South Caucasus, and as the cost of Internet-enabled phones decreases, the situation nonetheless leaves a lot to be desired. According to a Media Survey conducted by the Caucasus Research Resource Centers (CRRC), 39 percent of respondents in Tbilisi said they never accessed the Internet in 2011. That figure was 64 percent in the regions of Georgia.

“People in these communities don’t have access to the internet,” he told the online magazine TechPresident last year. “So, in each village, a volunteer community representative has been recruited to respond to a pre-agreed weekly questionnaire via SMS. Each response to a question is coded with a different letter, and reps simply send one text message combining all those letters to a short code to send in their reports.”

Up to 40 such reports can be sent in just one SMS in 16 conflict-affected communities using the system to track incidents. Elva is also used to report on infrastructure problems or request assistance in emergency situations. The European Union (EU) and United Nations Development Program (UNDP) supported Elva while CRRC and the U.K.-based conflict resolution and prevention organization Saferworld are project partners.

“By tracking and analyzing this data, and sharing it with the relevant local and international actors, we hope to provide a genuinely early warning mechanism which would identify and tackle the emerging problems and sources of tension at their early inception phase,” says Tabib Huseynov, South Caucasus Regional Coordinator for Saferworld, and formerly of the International Crisis Group (ICG).

In addition to its quantitative data, Elva also allows some qualitative analysis. While presenting Elva to this writer in a downtown Tbilisi cafe, for example, Catshoek shows a graph highlighting how, even when the number of cross-border incidents is minimal or non-existent, the sense of security among local communities still remains low. That might not bode well for the future, but it does highlight the unfortunate reality in the region.

The system, however, does allow stakeholders using the system to discuss reports and indicators among themselves or to request additional information which could be used to make informed decisions when incidents do happen. An early warning system based on data collected since 2010 will also utilize regressional analysis to forecast incidents in the hope of preventing them in the future.

Elva, a small project turned into an independent NGO 

Meanwhile, interest in Elva continues, and much to the surprise of Catshoek who moved to Georgia in 2009. “It started off as a small project on which I worked mostly in the evenings and weekends supported by two Georgian developers,” he told Osservatorio. “Seeing how the project benefited local communities, and how much people liked participating in it, I quit my day job and last year turned Elva into an independent NGO.”

Moreover, when news of two Armenian villagers inadvertently crossing into Azerbaijan were posted on Catshoek’s Facebook page, the conversation that followed identified another conflict zone where Elva could be used. “Looking at how it has worked in Georgia, it could really benefit communities along the border in Armenia,” he says. “We’re now finishing Elva 2.0 and then we’ll start to look into this.”

Until then, Elva is finding its application in many other situations. Used to monitor the pre-election campaign environment for the October 2012 parliamentary vote in Georgia, it is also tracking irrigation and traffic problems nationwide. But with increasing concerns about the security situation in the region’s three frozen conflict zones, it will perhaps be this setting that sets Elva apart from other platforms.

Crowd sourcing volatile parts of the South Caucasus might not bring resolution of any of the regions conflicts any closer, but the hope is that developments such as Elva might be instrumental in bringing much needed security to those living on or close to the front lines. At the very least, even if the political will to do so can be lacking at times, the public release of Elva will put a new tool in the hands of local civil society to do so instead.


First published by Osserbvatorio Balcani e Caucaso

 

Social Media in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict

Social Media in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict

Social media has become one of the few places where young people from Armenia and Azerbaijan can meet. Yet, not without risks.

While it might be nearly 19 years since a May 1994 ceasefire put the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh on hold, analysts are increasingly viewing the situation on the Line of Contact (LOC) with alarm. Over 20,000 died in the war waged in the early 1990s and a million were forced to flee their homes. Frontline skirmishes and sniper incidents remain common with The Economist recently putting the number of dead since the armistice at over 3,000. More significantly, new generations are brought up unable to remember the time when both Armenians and Azerbaijanis lived side by side together in peace.

Given concerns that a new war might break, with attempts to reach a negotiated settlement through the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) so far unsuccessful, militaristic rhetoric continues to define much of the domestic political discourse in Armenia and Azerbaijan, especially with a new cycle of presidential elections this year. The media plays its role too, as a paper from the Caucasus Research Resource Centers(CRRC) opined. “Without more accurate and unbiased information […] free of negative rhetoric and stereotypes, Armenians and Azerbaijanis will continue to see themselves as enemies without any common ground,” the 2008 report read.

And recent statistics also from CRRC highlight the problem further. In its 2009 household survey, 70 percent of respondents in Armenia said they were against forming friendships with Azerbaijanis while 97 percent of Azerbaijanis were opposed to friendship with Armenians. “My background is with the Israelis and Palestinians,” Elizabeth Metraux, Program Director of a U.S. State Department program designed to bring Armenian and Azerbaijani teenagers together, told this author in 2009 . “There were times when it just gets explosive and there really were those moments were I just thought I had underestimated the intensity of the conflict.”

The project, undertaken through Project Harmony, was one of the first to use online tools in combination with offline meetings, albeit only using blogs. Because of the sensitivities of being seen to connect with the other side in the conflict, the Armenian and Azerbaijani teenagers chose not to use Facebook to remain in contact once they were back home. Such a situation was not surprising given the intensity of the information war conducted online and the monitoring of activity by security services. The same year, for example, Adnan Hajizade and Emin Milli, two online activists in Azerbaijan, were arrested, albeit for criticizing their government.

“The reason why the KGB wants you to join Facebook is because it allows them to, first of all, learn more about you from afar,” Evgeny Morozov, author of The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom, told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) in a 2011 interview , arguing that the Internet is just as important a tool for governments to engage in mass surveillance and political repression as well as for nationalists to spread extremist propaganda. “They don’t have to […] interrogate you, and obviously you disclose quite a bit. It allows them to identify certain social graphs and social connections between activists.”

Nevertheless, even if using social networking sites to bridge the divide was unthinkable for some, others were not so hesitant despite the inherent risks involved.

Indeed, on 1 March 2011, online Azerbaijani news site Qaynar.Info published the names of prominent activists and journalists in the country who had Armenian ‘friends’ on Facebook in an attempt to discredit them and to further engage in a campaign to warn citizens of the danger of social networking sites. “It is possible that secret agents sit in social networks trying to lure people to cooperate,” one parliamentary deputy even told journalists, suggesting that this perceived threat should be legislated against. “In my opinion, one cannot exclude that the intelligence services of various countries can also lead Azerbaijani nationals to secret cooperation through social networks.”

Despite the negative publicity, however, hundreds of Armenians and Azerbaijanis continued to use Facebook, and to a lesser extent Twitter, to make contact and communicate online.

However, notes Global Voices co-founder and MIT Center for Civic Media Director Ethan Zuckerman, this might have led to what he terms ‘imaginary cosmopolitanism,’   something that one American-Armenian journalist also considers. “Because social media allows you to connect to people within the same overlapping circles and ideologies, you know that the people you’re befriending think the way you do in the sense that they’re curious about you too,” Liana Aghajanian told Osservatorio. “In person or by other means, you’d have to second guess to make sure that person wouldn’t have animosity towards you, for example.”

Nevertheless, she adds, social media still has an important role to play in preparing the ground for peace, something that Yelena Osipova, an Armenian citizen now studying abroad also notes. “Social media can potentially be a great tool for the initial stages of conflict resolution,” she says. “It helps to establish and maintain direct people-to-people communication without in-person contact. This distance can help mitigate the potential hostility and induce more civil conversations. Equally important is the fact that social media can help put a face on a faceless and evil ‘enemy’ whose image has been constructed and implanted in the minds of those involved.”

Osipova also notes that there is an inherent danger with social media, and not least from nationalists on both sides who might attempt to hijack the communication or intimidate and threaten those engaged in cross-border communication. Others such as Nigar Hajizade, an Azerbaijani now living in Turkey, are also cautious. “I support and appreciate peace or conflict-resolution efforts that stem from or are supported by social media, but I’m not very optimistic in terms of their overall impact given how large and powerful all the counter-initiatives are, starting with state institutions themselves, lobbying groups, and the media,” she says.

“When looking at the role of public diplomacy and communications in conflict resolution, it is no longer possible to ignore online communications,” Sarah Crozier, Press and Public Information Officer for the OSCE Secretariat told Osservatorio. “When an ever greater number of people can make their voices heard online, and information – or misinformation – can quickly spread, it is important that those involved in conflict prevention, conflict resolution and post-conflict rehabilitation can get beyond casually used terms like ‘e-diplomacy’ and ‘Twitter revolutions’ and have a clear understanding of what the real potential of online communications is in this area.”

Meanwhile, with no other way for like-minded Armenians and Azerbaijanis to connect, Hajizade ends on a more optimistic note. “Two more friends are always better than two more enemies.”


First published by Osservatorio Balcani e Caucuso.

 

CONFLICT VOICES e-BOOKS

 

Conflict Voices – December 2010

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English | Russian

 

Conflict Voices – May 2011

Short essays on the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict
Download in English | Russian

Ashiq Nargile, Ethnic Azerbaijani Musician

Ashiq Nargile, Ethnic Azerbaijani Musician

 Ashiq Nargile, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2013

A new generation of ethnic Azeri Ashiqs is forming in Georgia, with Nargile Mehtiyeva at the forefront of the tradition. Regularly performing at festivals in Turkey, Mehtiyeva is also resurrecting the tradition of female Ashiqs among the younger generation.

According to a recent paper by Anna Oldfield Senarslan, female Ashiqs emerged in the 18th Century and have already become established in Azerbaijan, becoming the voice of “inspiration, hope, and the transformative power of their communities” while also “leading trends that use the dynamic tension between tradition and innovation to keep the art current and popular.”

In the mountainous western and northern regions, a tradition of tek saz (saz only) prevailed. Not hampered by an ensemble, the solo ashiq could improvise more both musically and vocally, and these regions are famous for producing Azerbaijan’s ashiq virtousos. These regions also saw the rise of women ashiqs, who merged into the art in the 18th and 19th centuries, proving themselves by competing in the verbal dueling contests, called deyishme, that prove an ashiq’s mastery. Today, in the Republic of Azerbaijan, many women are at the forefront of the art, often leading trends that use the dynamic tension between tradition and innovation to keep the art current and popular.

 

[…]

 

In contemporary Azerbaijan, a number of women have stepped into this position, being not only the voice of but the inspiration, hope, and the transformative power of their community. Breaking away from some aspects of the tradition yet holding tightly to what they consider essential, it has been through their ability to seize on the innovative nature of the genre that they have been able to pull it successfully from the Soviet to the contemporary era. Representing the voices of rural, refugee, the dispossessed communities, women in the role of ashiq gain a voice of authority and a public platform. They represent the power of the powerless, and their ability to reach a wider audience is essential for this voice to be heard. By bringing this voice to a wider audience of urban dwellers, and youth, they work as a bridge to a new Azerbaijan which can incorporate the confusion and tragedy of a difficult past into a more hopeful present.

 Ashiq Nargile, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2013

 Ashiq Nargile’s daughter, Tbilisi, Georgia © Onnik James Krikorian 2013